Differences in countries’ economic prosperity and HIV
prevalence do not explain the speed with which they update their national
treatment policies and guidelines, but factors related to a country’s political
structure are relevant, Matthew Kavanagh of Georgetown University and Health
GAP told the 22nd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2018) in
Amsterdam today.
Specifically, countries with more centralised power
structures and countries with greater ethnic or linguistic diversity are slower
to adopt new guidelines. He suggested that the World Health Organization (WHO)
and other agencies should make additional efforts to support countries with
these characteristics when guidelines change.
Over the years, there have been a series of important
changes in the expert opinion and scientific evidence on when people should
begin antiretroviral therapy (ART) – at CD4 cell counts of 200, 350, 500, or
regardless of CD4 count. Well-resourced agencies such as WHO, UNAIDS and the President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
define global norms and make their dissemination a priority.
Nonetheless, there is a great deal of diversity in national
policies, with many countries lagging behind WHO’s guidelines. Since September
2015, WHO has recommended treatment for all people with HIV, regardless of CD4
count. In January 2017, this approach was being recommended in a number of
countries including the United States, some of the larger Latin American
countries, most of western Europe, six countries in sub-Saharan Africa,
Thailand and China.
Many other countries recommended initiation below 500
cells/mm3. Moreover, some countries continued to recommend waiting
until 350 cells/mm3 – including Canada, Ukraine, many west African
countries, India and Indonesia. Of even greater concern, delaying treatment
until 200 cells/mm3 was still the policy of the Philippines,
Senegal, Liberia, Belarus, Macedonia, Cuba and others in January 2017.
For this analysis, Kavanagh and colleagues identified 290
published national ART guidelines for adults and adolescents, from 122
countries (representing 98% of the global HIV burden). They calculated the time
difference in months between when WHO recommended a CD4 initiation and when
this was adopted as national policy. Associations with a series of social and
political factors were calculated.
In addition, he interviewed 25 key informants from 12
countries, in order to shed light on barriers and facilitators of policy change.
While it might be assumed that countries with a greater
burden of HIV would feel greater urgency to make changes, HIV prevalence only
had a minor impact on speed of adoption.
Similarly, economics and national wealth could be expected
to be a factor. However, countries’ gross domestic product (GDP) made no
difference to the speed of adoption. Interviewees reported that only a few
guidelines took cost into account. Those that did were most often in low-income
countries, where there was often political pressure to keep costs down. Formal
cost-benefit analyses were not usually demanded.
How democratic a country is made no difference either, but
another way of considering the structure of government was important. Kavanagh
used a measure known as veto points – countries with low veto points have more
centralised power structures. Countries with high veto points have a larger
number of bodies or political actors which can influence decision making. Such
countries might be expected to have slower decision making (as there are more
people who can veto a decision), but there was a strong association between
high veto points and faster policy adoption.
Kavanagh said that this was counter-intuitive, but it seems
that in countries with complex bureaucratic and political structures, there are
more opportunities for professional and community groups to have an influence.
Engaged and motivated politicians and lobby groups can be heard, as an
informant in the United States explained:
“We count on a few
politicos who will pick up the phone to make sure the HHS process is moving.”
Ethnic and linguistic diversity within a country had a
strong association with slower decision making. For example, more homogenous
countries like South Korea made decisions quickly, while more diverse countries
such as Uganda and Indonesia were slower. Kavanagh said that the policy
environment in countries with more internal divisions may be more challenging.
To influence change in such contexts, it may be helpful to have a variety of
‘messengers’ who can reach different ethnic, linguistic and social groups.
He said that WHO and UNAIDS should take a new approach,
tailoring their support to the characteristics of the country. For example, in
a country with a more centralised power structure, it is probably necessary to
reach decision makers higher up the chain of power.
“The
institutional political economy of countries is a stronger and more robust
predictor of health policy diffusion than either disease burden or national wealth,”
he concluded.